The paper expands on previous work (Benincà 1983; Benincà 2006; Benincà and Tortora 2009; Tortora 2002; Tortora to appear), in which we argue that certain patterns of complement clitic placement in Romance varieties reveal that clausal architecture provides at least three different domains of placement for complement clitics, what we have termed the C-domain, the I-domain, and the V-domain. Specifically, we have shown that some languages (such as Borgomanerese, a Piedmontese dialect) utilize only one domain (in this case, the V-domain), no matter what the nature of the clause (interrogative, declarative, or imperative; matrix or embedded; finite or non-finite), while other languages utilize more than one domain, depending on clause type. For example, Italian arguably utilizes the I-domain in finite clauses, but the V-domain in participial clauses (see Benincà & Tortora 2009 and Tortora to appear for arguments for the latter). This paper adds to the empirical base supporting this view of the clause and of clitic syntax by examining a previously unnoticed restriction on complement clitic placement in Paduan (a Veneto dialect), which depends on clause type; it is our hope that the more wide-ranging the empirical findings, the better a position we will be in to understand the nature of the restrictions on complement clitic placement; this in turn, we hope, will contribute to our understanding of the nature of clausal architecture, as well as to our understanding of the nature of clitic pronouns themselves (independent of the question of their placement in the clause). Specifically, we look at the behavior of the verb volerghe ‘to be necessary’, which is composed of the verb volere ‘to want’ and the clitic ghe. As we will see, the behavior of this clitic, when used with this verb in simple tense and participial clauses, is variable, suggesting an analysis whereby the participial clause has a lower clitic placement site than the simple tense clause.
On Clausal Architecture: Evidence from Complement Clitic Placement in Romance
BENINCA', PAOLA;
2010
Abstract
The paper expands on previous work (Benincà 1983; Benincà 2006; Benincà and Tortora 2009; Tortora 2002; Tortora to appear), in which we argue that certain patterns of complement clitic placement in Romance varieties reveal that clausal architecture provides at least three different domains of placement for complement clitics, what we have termed the C-domain, the I-domain, and the V-domain. Specifically, we have shown that some languages (such as Borgomanerese, a Piedmontese dialect) utilize only one domain (in this case, the V-domain), no matter what the nature of the clause (interrogative, declarative, or imperative; matrix or embedded; finite or non-finite), while other languages utilize more than one domain, depending on clause type. For example, Italian arguably utilizes the I-domain in finite clauses, but the V-domain in participial clauses (see Benincà & Tortora 2009 and Tortora to appear for arguments for the latter). This paper adds to the empirical base supporting this view of the clause and of clitic syntax by examining a previously unnoticed restriction on complement clitic placement in Paduan (a Veneto dialect), which depends on clause type; it is our hope that the more wide-ranging the empirical findings, the better a position we will be in to understand the nature of the restrictions on complement clitic placement; this in turn, we hope, will contribute to our understanding of the nature of clausal architecture, as well as to our understanding of the nature of clitic pronouns themselves (independent of the question of their placement in the clause). Specifically, we look at the behavior of the verb volerghe ‘to be necessary’, which is composed of the verb volere ‘to want’ and the clitic ghe. As we will see, the behavior of this clitic, when used with this verb in simple tense and participial clauses, is variable, suggesting an analysis whereby the participial clause has a lower clitic placement site than the simple tense clause.Pubblicazioni consigliate
I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.
